A team of archaeologists led by Griffith University has discovered a cave painting in Indonesia that is at least 44,000 years old and which portrays a group of part-human, part-animal figures – ‘therianthropes’ – hunting large mammals with spears or ropes, casting new light on the origin of modern human cognition.

Priest King, Mohenjo-daro, white, low fired steatite, 17.5 x 11 cm (photo: Harappa.com; National Museum, Karachi)

An intricate statue, carved out of steatite more than four thousand years ago, Priest-King (as the figure has come to be known) is among the most recognizable artifacts from the Indus Valley Civilization, one of the oldest and largest Bronze Age civilizations in the world. 

Depicted with half-closed eyes, curved ears, a beard, and thick lips, the figure in this sculpture wears a garment draped over his left shoulder and tucked under his (now-broken) right arm. The surface of the garment has raised trefoil motifs and circles carved in shallow relief. The figure’s hair is parted in the middle and held together by a diadem set with a circular ornament, matching the one he wears on his right upper arm. 

While it’s difficult to know the original appearance of the sculpture, a fragment of shell inlay was recovered from one of its eyes, and traces of red pigment remain in the garment’s design, indicating that it might originally have been colored with dye and embellished with other materials. The incised lines carved to represent his beard extend into the area of the cheeks and were never polished, suggesting that the sculpture remained unfinished.

The small, 18 cm tall bust dates back to the Mature Harappan Period. It was excavated at the site of Mohenjo-daro in the present-day Sindh province of Pakistan by the archaeologist Kashinath Narayan Dikshit during a 1925–26 excavation by the Archaeological Survey of India.

Reading the material remains of an ancient civilization

Mohenjo-daro was an important prehistoric city from the Indus Valley civilization (sometimes referred to as the Harappan Civilization), known for its well-planned cities, large-scale architecture, and one of the earliest urban sanitation systems in the world. Named after the Indus River, along whose banks the civilization developed, the Indus Valley Civilization encompassed a vast swath of present-day eastern Pakistan and northwestern India. Although there have been multiple excavations, archaeological explorations, and studies of sites associated with the civilization, information about this ancient culture is still limited because their script remains undeciphered. 

Our knowledge of the Indus Valley Civilization is mainly premised on the scholarly analysis of its material remains. The predominant objects found in most Indus Valley sites are seals and terracotta figurines of animals and humans. The seals, which depict animals, and have lines of script, are understood to have been used primarily in trade as a designatory device.

Stamp seal and modern impression: unicorn and incense burner (?), c. 2600–1900 B.C.E. (Mature Harappan), burnt steatite, 3.8 x 3.8 x 1 cm (The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York)

Typically, the front of the seal is carved in intaglio so that a positive imprint is produced on the material on which it is impressed. The seals were used to stamp clay insignia on ropes, to seal and secure packages during transportation, and by traders and merchants to designate their goods by name, place of origin and so on. 

Trade routes between Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Indus River Valley (underlying map © Google)

Their discovery from sites beyond the known Indus Valley region—such as Kish and Umma in present-day Iraq—is indicative of an early system of trade with other societies such as the Mesopotamian Civilization of Western Asia. On the other hand, the purpose of the terracotta figurines remains unclear, as do their stylistic origins. In the absence of textual sources, scholars look for answers by comparing them to contemporaneous Mesopotamian examples and later South Asian art.

Priest King, Mohenjo-daro, white, low fired steatite, 17.5 x 11 cm (photo: Harappa.com; National Museum, Karachi)

Stone sculptures such as the Priest-King are relatively rare and possibly only represent a small fraction of the stone objects that might have been produced by the Indus Valley Civilization. The sculpture is made of steatite, an easy-to-carve stone used extensively by the Indus Valley inhabitants to make seals, beads, tablets, as well as statues such as this one, although the latter are much rarer. The civilization also attained a high level of technical sophistication in manufacturing steatite objects starting from the Neolithic period, employing the controlled use of fire to whiten and harden the stone. The Priest-King, too, is made in this manner. 

Let’s take a closer look at the sculpture to understand whom it may represent and how we might interpret it.

Priest King, Mohenjo-daro, white, low fired steatite, 17.5 x 11 cm (photo: Harappa.com; National Museum, Karachi)

Who was the Priest-King?

Many scholars have attempted to establish the figure’s identity and status. Some have studied its physiognomic type, concluding that its treatment of the beard, which differs from later examples of South Asian art, might mean that the figure depicts a foreigner. Additionally, garments covering only the left shoulder were also commonly seen in art from the Mesopotamian Civilization, which was situated around 3000 kilometers away from the Indus Valley Civilization but had trade links with it.

Similarly, the trefoil motifs have also been compared to the cloud motif seen in ajrakh block-printed fabrics which were being produced for export around the time the statuette was made. The trace of red pigment found on the shawl gives us early evidence of the use of madder, a type of natural red colorant extracted from the roots of the Indian madder plant, used by the Indus Valley dyers to produce ajrakh cloth with red patterns. However, some scholars argue that what we see on the shawl is not a patterned cloth, but evidence of early embroidery, as the trefoil forms are raised.

The sculpture’s half-open eyes have led to speculation that the figure is engaged in yogic meditation, although scholars cannot confirm that yoga and its associated rituals were practiced in that period in the same way that it is practiced today. The extended arm may have been meant to rest on the knee, with the body arranged in a seated posture. 

Holes pierced under the ears suggest that a headdress might have been attached to the sculpture. This could have been a horned headdress, similar to that worn by the figure on the famous Pashupati Seal, who is thought to possibly depict a prototype of the Hindu god, Shiva. 

Pashupati Seal, 2500–2400 B.C.E. (Mohenjo-daro, Indus Valley Civilization), steatite, coated with alkali, and baked (National Museum New Delhi)

Archaeologist John Marshall considered these factors when he dubbed the statuette a “king-priest,” which archaeologist Mortimer Wheeler later inverted to “priest-king.” Wheeler’s name for the figure was based on his assumption that the Indus Valley Civilization had socio-cultural affinities with Mesopotamia, with a social structure that was governed by authority figures that were akin to the priest-kings or governors of Sumer.

However, until we have a better understanding of the cultures of the Indus Valley, it is not possible to confirm whether the sculpture is a portrait of a deity, a historical figure, or a representation of an abstract concept. In spite of that, this small object exudes a sense of quiet authority and offers us an important insight into the mastery Indus Valley craftspeople had over sculpting steatite. 

Artifacts from Mohenjo-daro were initially kept at the Lahore Museum and later moved to the Central Imperial Museum in Delhi (now the National Museum, New Delhi). In 1972, the statuette was officially handed over to the Government of Pakistan as per a clause in the Shimla Agreement, a peace treaty signed by India and Pakistan in July 1972. At the time of writing, the sculpture is housed in the National Museum at Karachi. 

Intentionally buried as part of an elaborate ritual, this ornate object tells us so much, but also too little.

Standard of Ur, c. 2600–2400 B.C.E., 21.59 x 49.5 x 12 cm (The British Museum, London). Speakers: Dr. Beth Harris and Dr. Steven Zucker

The Standard of Ur, 2600–2400 B.C.E., shell, limestone, lapis lazuli, and bitumen, 21.59 x 49.53 x 12 cm (© The Trustees of the British Museum, London; photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

The violence and grandeur of Sumerian kingship

The Standard of Ur is a fascinating rectangular box-like object which, through intricate mosaic scenes, presents the violence and grandeur of Sumerian kingship. It is made up of two long flat panels of wood (and two short sides) and is covered with bitumen (a naturally occurring petroleum substance, essentially tar) in which small pieces of carved shell, red limestone, and lapis lazuli were set. It is thought to be a military standard, something common in battle for thousands of years: a readily visible object held high on a pole in the midst of the combat and paraded in victory to symbolize the army (or individual divisions of the army) of a war lord or general. Although we don’t know if this object ever saw the melee of battle, it certainly witnessed a grisly scene when it was deposited in one of the royal graves at the site of Ur in the mid-3rd millennium B.C.E.

Map of Sumer with approximate locations of Uruk and Ur (underlying map © Google)

In the 1920s the British archaeologist Sir Leonard Woolley worked extensively at Ur and in 1926 he uncovered a huge cemetery of nearly 2,000 burials spread over an area of 70 x 55 m (230 x 180 ft). Most graves were modest, however a group of sixteen were identified by Woolley as royal tombs because of their wealthier grave goods and treatment at interment.

Sir Leonard Woolley, Ur Excavations, volume II, The Royal Cemetery, Plates (British Museum, London and The University Museum, Philadelphia, 1934), plate 8 (available via the Internet Archive)

Each of these tombs contained a chamber of limestone rubble with a vaulted roof of mud bricks. The main burial of the tomb was placed in this chamber and surrounded by treasure (offerings of copper, gold, silver and jewelry of lapis lazuli, carnelian, agate, and shell). The main burial was also accompanied by several other bodies in the tomb, a mass grave outside the chamber, often called the Death Pit. We assume that all these individuals were sacrificed at the time of the main burial in a horrific scene of deference.

Queen’s Lyre (reconstruction), 2600 B.C.E., wooden parts, pegs and string are modern; lapis lazuli, shell and red limestone mosaic decoration, set in bitumen (© The Trustees of the British Museum, London)

One of the royal graves (PG779) had four chambers but no death pit. It had been plundered in antiquity but one room was largely untouched and had the remains of at least four individuals. In the corner of this room the remains of the Standard of Ur were found. One of its long sides was found lying face down in the soil with the other one face up, which lead Woolley to conclude that it was a hollow structure; additional inlay were found on either side of the short ends and appeared to fill a triangular shape and which lead to the Standard being reconstructed with its sloping sides. The remains of the Standard were found above the right shoulder of a man whom Woolley thought had carried it attached to a pole. The identification of this object as a military standard is by no means secure; the hollow shape could just as easily have been the sound box of a stringed instrument, such as the Queen’s Lyre found in an adjacent tomb.

War and peace

The two sides of the Standard appear to be the two poles of Sumerian kingship, war and peace.  The war side was found face up and is divided into three registers (bands), read from the bottom up, left to right. The story begins at the bottom with war carts, each with a spearman and driver, drawn by donkeys trampling fallen enemies, distinguished by their nudity and wounds, which drip with blood. The middle band shows a group of soldiers wearing fur cloaks and carrying spears walking to the right while bound, naked enemies are executed and paraded to the top band where more are killed. 

War (detail), The Standard of Ur, 2600–2400 B.C.E., shell, red limestone, lapis lazuli, and bitumen (original wood no longer exists), 21.59 x 49.53 x 12 cm (© The Trustees of the British Museum, London; photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

In the center of the top register, we find the king, holding a long spear, physically larger than everyone else, so much so, his head breaks the frame of the scene. Behind him are attendants carrying spears and battle axes and his royal war cart ready for him to jump in. There is a sense of a triumphal moment on the battlefield, when the enemy is vanquished and the victorious king is relishing his win. There is no reason to believe that this is a particular battle or king as there is nothing which identifies it as such; we think it is more of a generic image of a critically important aspect of Ancient Near Eastern kingship.  

Peace (detail), The Standard of Ur, 2600–2400 B.C.E., shell, red limestone, lapis lazuli, and bitumen (original wood no longer exists), 21.59 x 49.53 x 12 cm (© The Trustees of the British Museum; photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

The opposite peace panel also illustrates a cumulative moment, that of the celebration of the king, this time for great agricultural abundance which is afforded by peace. Again, beginning at the bottom left, we see men carrying produce on their shoulders and in bags and leading donkeys. In the central band, men lead bulls, sheep and goats, and carry fish. In the top register a grand feast is taking place, complete with comfortable seating and musical accompaniment.

On the left, the largest figure, the king, is seated wearing a richly flounce fur skirt, again so large, even seated, he breaks the frame. Was it an epic tale of battle that the singer on the far right is performing for entertainment as he plays a bull’s head lyre, again, like the Queen’s Lyre? We will never know but certainly such powerful images of Sumerian kingship tell us that whomever ended his life with the Standard of Ur on his shoulder was willing to give his life in a ritual of kingly burial.

One of a group buried in a temple almost 5,000 years ago, this statue’s job was to worship Abu—forever.

Standing Male Worshipper (votive figure), c. 2900-2600 B.C.E., from the Square Temple at Eshnunna (modern Tell Asmar, Iraq), gypsum alabaster, shell, black limestone, bitumen, 11 5/8 x 5 1/8 x 3 7/8″ / 29.5 x 10 cm, Sumerian, Early Dynastic I-II (The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City). Speakers: Dr. Steven Zucker and Dr. Beth Harris

Twelve votive figures, from the Square Temple at Eshnunna (modern Tell Asmar, Iraq), c. 2900–2350 B.C.E. (Early Dynastic period)

Twelve statues from the “Square Temple” at Eshnunna (modern Tell Asmar, Iraq)

Ancient Iraq (select cities), second half of the 3rd millennium B.C.E.

The group of twelve statues from Tell Asmar are among the most important examples of early sculpture from the Ancient Near East.

The figures date to the Early Dynastic period of ancient Mesopotamia (2900–2350 B.C.E.) and were discovered during excavations in Iraq in 1934. These figures were found below the floor of a temple known as the “Square Temple” (likely dedicated to the God Abu). They range in size (from 9 to 28 inches; 23 to 72 cm) and in condition (some still displaying painting and inlay; others broken). All of them, however, appear deeply focused, staring straightforward, some with very large eyes, most with hands clasped, some holding cups.  The figures were excavated by the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago but are now dispersed in the collections of The Metropolitan Museum, New York, the National Museum of Iraq, and the Oriental Institute, Chicago.

The figures and their archaeological context

Of the twelve statues found, ten are male and two are female; eight of the figures are made from gypsum, two from limestone, and one (the smallest) from alabaster; all would have been painted. They appear to all be performing the same act and what we know about their archaeological context can help us understand what that might be. One statue in particular stands out from the rest: the tallest man with long dark flowing locks.

Female and male votive figures (on the right is the tallest figure of the group of twelve), from the Square Temple at Eshnunna (modern Tell Asmar, Iraq), c. 2900–2350 B.C.E. (Early Dynastic period) (The Iraq Museum, Baghdad; photo: Dr. Osama Shukir Muhammed Amin, CC BY-SA 4.0)

Not gods, but adorants

From the Early Dynastic period sculptures such as these were common in temples. They are generally understood by art historians and archaeologists to be an image of the god to whom the temple was dedicated. They would be placed on raised platforms and were the recipients of gifts, as a proxy for the god.

However, the collection of statues from Tell Asmar appear to be of a different type, not images of gods and goddesses but rather adorants, mortals who stand in perpetual worship of the god of the temple. We know this because some of the statues are inscribed on the back or bottom with a personal name and prayer; others state “one who offers prayers.” Therefore, these sculptures represent a very early form of individual actions of faith, expressions of personal agency. Some of the sculptures are holding small cups which look a lot like a common cup of the era known as the solid-footed goblet. Hundreds of cups of this type were found deposited in a space near to the sanctuary where the sculptures were found, likely used to pour libations.

Caption: The Hoard of Statues Lying in the Soil Just as They Were Found, “An Extraordinary Discovery of Early Sumerian Sculpture,” Illustrated London News (May 19, 1934), p. 774.

Who were these early pious actors? The statues were discovered together, packed one on top of another in several layers within a 33 x 20 inch (85 x 50 cm) pit and just by the altar of the temple. Because of the circumstances of this find they are assumed to be a group of alike sculptures, although of a special kind, for sure. Given the high status material from which they are made, the inclusion of writing as well as their privileged space within the temple, we might assume these represent elite people, both men and women, interestingly.

Although their style is abstract and there is no sense of portraiture among them, they are all unique in small ways, either in the rendering of hair, facial expression or even feet; the material of the inlays is also variable, some of white shell or black limestone and even one of lapis lazuli. These sculptures might also represent a clue about how society was changing in the Early Dynastic period. Archaeologists believe that this group of sculptures representing mortals from Tell Asmar were not only working spiritually on behalf of each individual but also as a group, asserting a new status of elite non-religious classes within the context of the temple.

Feet and base (detail), Votive figure from the Square Temple at Eshnunna (modern Tell Asmar, Iraq), c. 2900–2350 B.C.E. (Early Dynastic period) (The Iraq Museum, Baghdad; photo: Dr. Osama Shukir Muhammed Amin, CC BY-SA 4.0)

One figure who stands out

As mentioned above, one figure stands out from the group. He is the tallest with curly locks flowing down over his wide shoulders, his face slightly upturned, making him seem somewhat less obsequious than the rest. On the base of this sculpture there is a rough image carved as well, which also differentiates it from the others. This image shows an Anzu bird clutching two horned animals, one in each claw. This configuration—of Anzu clutching animals—is associated with the thunder god Ninurta (also known as Ningirsu), and also associated with the god of vegetation Abu.

Bird-god Anzu on the Votive relief of Ur-Nanshe, king of Lagash, perforated relief, c. 2495–2465 B.C.E. (Ancient Girsu), alabaster, 15.1 x 21.6 cm (Musée du Louvre, Paris)

Votive figure from the Square Temple at Eshnunna (modern Tell Asmar, Iraq), c. 2900–2350 B.C.E. (Early Dynastic period) (The Iraq Museum, Baghdad; photo: Dr. Osama Shukir Muhammed Amin, CC BY-SA 4.0)

This figure’s luxurious hair, more engaging face and godly image on the base has led to his identification of a very old character type in Ancient Near Eastern art and literature, the long-haired hero who is sometimes nude and sometimes belted.

If this identification is true, we might wonder if the person who dedicated this statue saw himself as a heroic, Gilgamesh-like character (Gilgamesh was a hero in ancient Mesopotamian mythology and the protagonist of the Epic of Gilgamesh, an epic poem written during the late 2nd millennium B.C.E.).

This beautiful pot was created over 5,000 years ago, and its decoration echoes its shape.

Bushel with ibex (mountain goat) motifs, 4200–3500 B.C.E., painted terra-cotta, 28.90 x 16.40 cm, necropolis, Susa I period, from the acropolis mound, Susa, Iran (Musée du Louvre, Paris). Speakers: Dr. Steven Zucker and Dr. Beth Harris

Pottery from Susa

Because of its nearly indestructible nature, pottery is a critical class of material evidence about the ancient world. Some of the earliest and most beautiful pottery from the Ancient Near East comes from the site of Susa, first settled 6,000 years ago, located in the lower Zagros Mountains about 250 km (160 miles) east of the Tigris river in modern Iran.

Location of ancient Susa (underlying map © Google)

The most important area of the first settlement at Susa was a monumental platform upon which a temple was built. Around the base of the platform, over a thousand graves were dug in a tightly packed cemetery dating to the last half of the 5th millennium. In these graves, thousands of examples of a remarkable type of pottery have been found that archaeologists refer to as Susa I (most are in the Louvre museum). The burials in the cemetery were nearly all secondary, meaning that the bones of the deceased were buried after the skin and soft tissue had decomposed, either in a first, or primary burial, or having been laid out to decompose. What makes this cemetery at Susa unusual is that it would appear that all the graves were dug and filled more or less simultaneously, possibly as the result of some social and/or environmental stress. There is some evidence for the latter, including for increased rain and rising sea levels at that time.

Vessels, 4200–3500 B.C.E., Susa I period, necropolis, acropolis mound, Susa, Iran, painted terra-cotta, 28.9 x 16.4 cm, excavations led by Jacques de Morgan, 1906–08 (Musée du Louvre, Paris; photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

Susa I pottery was likely only made for burial and not for daily use; we know this because excavations of homes and archaeological surveys of surrounding lands find very few examples of it. Although, interestingly, there are faint signs of wear on some vessels, possibly meaning that they were used just before being deposited for burial.

Susa I pottery was mostly built by hand, although some pieces seem to exhibit the use of a slow potter’s wheel. The painting on the pots is asymmetrical and exhibits subtle irregularities which indicate that the decoration was added free hand. The most common shapes were drinking goblets or beakers, serving plates and small jars, possibly a specific set of dishes for a meal in the afterlife. Although a quick look at Susa I pottery might make one think it is all very similar, in fact, each vessel has a motif or combination of motifs that is unique. This variety likely means a large class of artisans produced them over a period of only a couple of generations.

Wading birds and dog (detail), Vessel, 4200–3500 B.C.E., Susa I period, necropolis, acropolis mound, Susa, Iran, painted terra-cotta, 28.9 x 16.4 cm, excavations led by Jacques de Morgan, 1906–08 (Musée du Louvre, Paris; photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

Beaker with Ibex Motifs

Beaker with Ibex Motifs is one of the finest examples of the Susa I type, delicate and finely painted. It is also quite large, at 28.9 cm in height and with a diameter of 16.4 cm. The vessel can hold almost one gallon of liquid making it an unwieldy cup therefore it was most likely only existed for display.

Like so much art of the Ancient Near East, the images on the exterior of the beaker are divided into bands or registers. The top band is filled with highly repetitive abstract drawings of long-necked birds, likely wading water birds often seen on the Susiana plain in winter. The next band beneath that contains abstracted images of dogs, one after another, likely a saluki, or Persian gazelle hound (a slender greyhound hunting type typical of desert regions and still prized pets today).

The next and largest band, which takes up the central field of the beaker, illustrates an ibex, or mountain goat, whose horns curve in a wide arch to surround a cross-hatched and chevron motif (this motif is commonly found on the open bowls of the Susa I type). This ibex was a native to the Zagros Mountains and is the wild ancestor of the domestic goat still herded today. Ninety-one tall Susa I beakers excavated at the cemetery have a similar design but only ten include the ibex with the arching horns. Beneath this middle register the base of the beaker is painted with very thin lines then at the base a very thick band.

Beaker with ibex motifs, 4200–3500 B.C.E., Susa I period, necropolis, acropolis mound, Susa, Iran, painted terra-cotta, 28.9 x 16.4 cm, excavations led by Jacques de Morgan, 1906–08 (Musée du Louvre, Paris; photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

The meaning of the Beaker with Ibex is difficult to know; it might just be an unusual and unusually beautiful vessel which was needed for a proper burial. What is striking, however, is the pride of place given to the animals of the region around Susa in its decoration. Two of these animals—the hunting dog and ibex—are actors in the mixed substance strategy (traditional hunting and gathering together with new plant and animal domestication) which is thought to have been newly practiced in the 5th millennium. The Beaker with Ibex is an elegant testament to the new lifeways of those in the Susan plain at the very beginning of the long history of the Ancient Near East.

Painted spirals recall the crests of waves on this 4,500-year-old jar.

Jar (Hu), c. 2650–2350 B.C.E. (Neolithic China, Banshan phase), earthenware with painted decoration, 34 cm high (The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York). Speakers: Dr. Cortney Chaffin and Dr. Steven Zucker

Dancing Girl, Mohenjo-daro, Harappan Civilization, 2700–2100 B.C.E., bronze, 10.5 x 5 x 2.5 cm (National Museum, New Delhi; photo: Gary Todd, CC0)

This small bronze statuette (only 4 inches in height), depicts a nude young woman, with a coiled hairstyle and bangles adorning her arms. The figure stands with her feet apart and her weight distributed unevenly (often referred to by art historians as contrapposto). She props one arm at her waist and her other arm hangs by her side. The title of the sculpture, Dancing Girl, comes from the archaeologist who unearthed it in 1926 who thought the ancient figure recalled images of dancing nautch girls (female dancers who often performed at royal courts and in salons, especially in colonial India).  

Map showing Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, two of several major sites of the Indus Valley Civilization (area marked in purple). Inset: Mohenjo-daro (photo: Saqib Qayyum, CC BY-SA 3.0)

This free-standing nude female figure is dated to c. 2500 B.C.E. Its site of origin, Mohenjo-daro, was an important prehistoric city from the Indus Valley civilization (sometimes referred to as the Harappan civilization), and was known for its well-planned cities, large-scale architecture, and one of the earliest urban sanitation systems in the world. Named after the Indus River, the Indus Valley civilization encompassed a vast swath of present-day Pakistan and northwestern India. Unusual in its form and materials—there are very few metal sculptures depicting anatomically correct women found in the Indus Valley—the sculpture gives us a glimpse into the civilization’s worldview and technological advances. 

Anatomy, adornment, and clothing

Dancing Girl, Mohenjo-daro, Harappan Civilization, 2700–2100 B.C.E., bronze, 10.5 x 5 x 2.5 cm (National Museum, New Delhi; photo: Gary Todd, CC0)

This slender figure has exaggerated proportions—long limbs, a high forehead, large eyes, a wide nose, and full cheeks and lips. Leaning slightly on the right leg, her asymmetrical stance mirrors the uneven distribution of ornamentation on her body—she wears 24 bangles on her left arm and only 4 on the right. This jewelry can be understood as being decorative or as symbolic of rank or status (although its symbolic meaning is still unclear to scholars). She appears to hold a vessel in her left arm, while her right arm is bent and her right hand clenched into a fist that rests at the back of her hip. Her long hair rests in a knot or a bun at the nape of her neck and her face is tilted upwards with a confident demeanor.

Terracotta figure, Harappa (Pakistan), Indus Valley Civilization (National Museum, New Delhi; photo: Gary Todd, CC0 1.0)

We have not yet deciphered the script of the Indus Valley civilization, so all we have are the the works of art themselves to understand the civilization. Comparing this figure to other female figurines from the Indus Valley allows us to formulate hypotheses and theories about what the Dancing Girl might represent.

Most of the figurines—whether depicting men, women, or animals—found in the Indus Valley are made of terracotta—bronze sculptures such as the Dancing Girl are much rarer. Like the Dancing Girl, the terracotta figurines are also depicted wearing jewelry—regardless of gender. Typically, the terracotta figurines of women found in the Indus Valley are not nude; they are depicted with either a belt or a short skirt covering their lower body and some scholars believe they had a cultic function or were, in some way, tied to fertility. What makes the bronze Dancing Girl unique is her full-frontal nudity and her long limbs, which differentiate her from the terracotta figures. According to some scholars, her nudity and physical form may not signal eroticism or fertility but might signify age—specifically youthfulness—or lower status or even a different ethnicity. [1] We also do not know whether the figure was intended to be seen in a nude form. In later practices in South Asia, many sculptures would have been clothed in garments and adorned for ritual processions or worship. Perhaps, this figure too, may have been clothed in a similar fashion. Anthropologist Sharri Clark has suggested that objects made with varying materials (for example bronze or terracotta) may have had different meanings and purposes, and might have even been made for entirely distinct audiences in the Indus civilization. With the limited evidence, it is difficult to know exactly what the Dancing Girl may signify.

Ancient advances in metallurgy 

Dancing Girl, Mohenjo-daro, Harappan Civilization, 2700–2100 B.C.E., bronze, 10.5 x 5 x 2.5 cm (National Museum, New Delhi)

It is clear from the metal composition of the statue that the Indus Valley civilization developed new techniques in metallurgy such as creating metal alloys and other sophisticated methods. Indus Valley metalsmiths added tin to copper to produce the alloy bronze, from which the Dancing Girl is made. The amount of tin added varies between 8 to 26 percent; there is also evidence that Indus metallurgists may have recognized that adding arsenic to copper resulted in a harder and more durable material—many Indus Valley copper and copper alloy objects also show the presence of arsenic in them.

Archaeological evidence indicates that copper and bronze were used to make tools, weapons, ornaments, household materials, and items of religious importance, including exquisitely detailed bronze sculptures like the Dancing Girl. Made using a lost-wax casting technique, this ancient artifact was created through a far more technologically challenging process in comparison to the terracotta sculptures that were typical of this period. The lost-wax method of metal casting involves creating a wax model, which is covered with clay, leaving small holes for air passage. These molds are heated in a furnace, causing the wax to melt out, leaving only the outer clay covering which becomes the mold into which molten bronze is poured. Once it cools, the metal solidifies, the clay covering is chipped away and the artist can add finishing touches.

Is the Dancing Girl actually dancing?

The identity and interpretation of this figure continues to be debated by scholars today. Recently, scholars have challenged the original interpretation offered by the early 20th-century British archaeologist John Marshall that the figure represents a dancing girl. They argue that the assumption that this represents a dancing girl only based on her stance is inaccurate and too simplistic. Instead, contemporary scholars have proposed alternative interpretations, including that the figure may be a warrior—due to the asymmetrical ornamentation of her hands which leaves her right arm bare to possibly hold a weapon, her assertive stance and defiant facial expressions. Other scholars have even speculated that her face represents Dravidian features—such as a broader nose, full cheeks and lips—opening up other avenues to understand the ethnic identity of the figure, and by extension, the demographic makeup of the Indus Valley civilization. However, in the case of the Dancing Girl, this speculation is primarily based on physiognomic comparisons relying on stereotypical characteristics associated with Dravidian populations who speak languages such as Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, and Malayalam and live mainly in southern India. [2]

As with so many other cultural artifacts uncovered from the Indus Valley sites, the purpose and meaning of the figurine remains a mystery, in large part due to the fact that the Indus script has not yet been fully deciphered. Even so, what appears to be an unassuming small-scale figure at first glance, no more than a few inches tall, reveals to us the advanced metallurgical processes that ancient Harappan sculptors were skilled at. 

Today, the Dancing Girl is on display at the National Museum, Delhi, as a part of its Pre-History and Archaeology collection.

Drawing from articles on The MAP Academy

Paintings in rock shelter 8, Upper Paleolithic period, Bhimbetka, India (photo: Bernard Gagnon, CC BY-SA 3.0)

Bhimbetka rock shelters

Widely acknowledged to be the earliest evidence of art in South Asia, the Bhimbetka cave paintings are Prehistoric paintings found on the Bhimbetka rock shelters in the Raisen district of present-day Madhya Pradesh. Bhimbetka comprises over 750 rock shelters, of which over a hundred have paintings depicting animal and human figures in shades of green, red, white, brown and black.

The earliest of these illustrate scenes from the lives of hunter-gatherers of the Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic periods—a time when many animals were yet to be domesticated, humans were nomadic, and collective civilizations were not yet in existence.

Palm prints and other paintings, in rock shelter, Upper Paleolithic period, Bhimbetka, India (photo: Vu2sga, CC BY-SA 4.0)

Evidence suggests that the most densely painted caves allowed in more sunlight and were typically uninhabited. This also supports the widely accepted belief that these paintings were not meant to beautify or decorate humans’ living spaces. The fact that many of these cave paintings overlap—implying that the rocks were painted on repeatedly and across successive historical time periods—has allowed archaeologists to assess their historicity.

Rock shelters, Bhimbetka, India (photo: Dinesh Valke, CC BY-SA 2.0)

Nine phases of painting

The Bhimbetka paintings have been classified into nine phases under three broad cultural periods: Phases I–V in the Mesolithic period, Phase VI in the Chalcolithic period and Phases VII–IX in the Historic period. Some scholars further suggest that the paintings could even have originated around 40,000 B.C.E. or earlier. Based on considerable archaeological evidence, it is suggested that there is a clear distinction between the cave paintings from the Mesolithic and Historic periods and those from the Upper Paleolithic period and later medieval period, which are fewer in number and less significant, as they do not subscribe to a distinct style, as seen in the drawings from the Mesolithic and Historical periods.

War scene (detail), paintings in rock shelter 8, Upper Paleolithic period, Bhimbetka, India (photo: Bernard Gagnon, CC BY-SA 3.0)

The earliest paintings

Deer, painting in rock shelter, Bhimbetka, India (photo: Vu2sga, CC BY-SA 4.0)

Early Bhimbetka paintings predominantly feature wild animals such as gaur, a native variety of wild ox, deer such as the chital, monkeys, wild boars, stags, and elephants as well as hunting scenes in which humans are depicted with bows and arrows and headgear. There are also depictions of different types of scenes, including ritual practices, women digging out rats from holes, and men and women foraging for fruits and honey.

Contemporary scholars have categorized the painted animal figures in these illustrations into natural, geometric, or abstract styles based on whether they are simple outlines, partially filled-in or silhouetted figures.

Animals painted on the rock shelters, Upper Paleolithic period, Bhimbetka, India (photo: Dinesh Valke, CC BY-SA 2.0)

For instance, several pregnant animals painted with visible markers such as enlarged stomachs are outlined and drawn using naturalistic or geometric styles. Sometimes, instead of being colored, the body of an animal is filled-in with another animal, suggesting a more conceptual style. For instance, some paintings depict an elephant painted within the outline of a deer, which could suggest a fantastical and possibly humorous approach to depicting subjects.

Human figures, paintings in rock shelter, Upper Paleolithic period, Bhimbetka, India (photo: Vijay Tiwari, CC BY-SA 4.0)

Historic period paintings

In contrast, later paintings from the Historic period onwards depict processions, scenes of warriors with swords, shields, and daggers and collective rituals. These paintings are characterized by a marked absence of animal figures, which are disproportionately drawn whenever they do appear. It has also been suggested that the motifs used in some of these later paintings reveal the religious influence of Hinduism or Buddhism.

In some, there are clear depictions of gods such as Ganesha and Shiva, representations of the Mother Goddess and symbols such as the trishul and swastika.

Archaeologists have been able to differentiate these paintings from the earlier, more faded paintings underneath through processes such as radiocarbon dating and other methods. By this time, humans were no longer living in caves as hunter-gatherers but were in the early stages of civilization and a sedentary life with domesticated animals.

A horned boar (“Boar Rock”), paintings in rock shelter III F-19, Bhimbetka, India (photo: Bernard Gagnon, CC BY-SA 3.0)

Boar Rock

Also known as Bhimbetka Shelter III F-19 and Bull Rock, this rock shelter derives its name from its depiction of a large, boar-like creature and is prominent among the hundreds of structures that comprise the Bhimbetka cave paintings. The animal depicted in the painting has a large head, horns and what appears to be fur on its back. It appears to be charging leftwards, towards two figures—a human and a crab. The painting is rendered in deep red, which is believed to have been obtained from hematite, and is known for its magnitude, which is over 1.2 meters tall and .87 meters wide.

Unlike the other hunting scenes depicted in the Bhimbetka rock shelters, the scene illustrated at Boar rock depicts a human figure being attacked by, and fleeing, a wild animal. While paintings of boars appear in several other instances in the region, scholars believe that the animal at Boar Rock is mythical and seems to be a combination of a boar, an ox, and an elephant.

Materials and techniques

To produce these paintings—especially the earlier iterations—brushes were most likely made from twigs that were chewed to soften and discard the fibers. Additionally, fingers, bird feathers, and animal hair are believed to have been used as brushes. Pigments for different colors may have been obtained from vegetables or from surrounding sedimentary rocks. Hydrated iron oxides from rocks were likely used to make shades of ochre and red and burnt to produce colors such as yellow, rust orange, and brown. Bird droppings or plant sap may have been used for whites. Evidence suggests that colors were only used in the wet form—by mixing pigments with oils and water—and never in solid or powdered form.

The first works of art in the region

Scholars believe that the Bhimbetka cave paintings were quite mature and advanced for their time and were probably not the first works of art created by human beings in the region. Although the purposes of these paintings are unknown, they provide immense historical information about humans, their relationship with animals and nature, the stages of Prehistoric hunter-gathering, and the eventual transition into more sedentary civilizations with domesticated animals.

The Bhimbetka rock shelters were marked as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2003.

Based on articles written by The MAP Academy

Deep Bowl, c. 3000–2000 B.C.E, Middle Jōmon Period, low-fired clay, excavated from Miyanomae, Ina-Ishi, Nagano, Japan; and a Dogū, c. 1000–400 B.C.E., Late Jōmon Period, low-fired clay, excavated from Rokugoishinadate, Misato-cho, Akita, Japan (Tokyo National Museum)

Prehistoric sites of Harappa and Mohenjo-daro (underlying map © Google)

Seated Mother Goddess, Indus Civilization,  c. 3000–2500 B.C.E., Mehrgarh style, terracotta, Baluchistan, Pakistan, 13.3 x 4.1 cm (The Metropolitan Museum of Art)

Anthropomorphic and male and female human forms have been excavated from several sites associated with the Indus Valley Civilization.

These are subset of the various figurines that were made of fired clay or terracotta that contained sand, shell fragments, mica particles, and vegetable material. Despite variations in size—most are similar in size to the Indus Valley terracotta animal figurines and range from approximately 6 centimeters up to 30 centimeters—they have overarching similarities in compositional characteristics with specific differentiators based on their period and region of origin. Broadly, these figurines constitute a larger collection that also includes mythic forms (such as of unicorn-like creatures) and modular forms (such as of objects having moving parts).

Evidence suggests that some early Indus figurines (excavated mostly from the Mehrgarh and Nausharo sites), date as far back as c. 7000 B.C.E.—prior to the Early Harappan Phase. The large hoard of figurines excavated from the Harappa and Mohenjo-daro sites in Pakistan suggest that their production reached a peak during the Mature Harappan Phase of the Civilization. The diversity in the compositional aspects of the figurines from both phases also alludes to possible trade and movement of people between present-day India and Iran.

Dog from Harappa, 2600–1900 B.C.E., terracotta, 1.9 x 5.3 x 3.3 cm (© Richard H. Meadow, Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Pakistan)

Although there is an overarching compositional continuity between these depictions and those from earlier periods, the newer figurines exhibit much greater diversity and distinctiveness in terms of their subject matter and style. Those from the Early Harappan Phase and earlier commonly featured seated females with wide hips, conical or disc-shaped breasts, joined feet and simple, unarticulated faces (such as the figure above). Leading up to the Mature Harappan Phase, however, there was a transition from seated to standing postures, with generic anthropomorphic and male figurines featuring more prominently—though less so than female figurines.

It is possible to see the attached ear ornaments and the double voluted headdress, in these figures, as well as the slightly figure-8 shape in the center figurine with the tapered waist. Fragments of terracotta figurines, Mohenjo-daro (Pakistan), Mature Harappan Period, c. 2600–1900 B.C.E., terracotta (The British Museum, photo: Zunkir, CC BY-SA 4.0)

Scholars have classified the female figurines from the mature phase into two broad categories: the early classic form and the later, figure-eight form. The early classic figures typically feature flat bodies adorned with attached ear ornaments and neck ornaments, such as chokers and necklaces, embellished with beads or pendants. The figure-eight forms are more rounded and lack ear ornaments and mouths.

These two categories, although differing in their overall form, bear several common characteristics. The standing females are usually depicted holding an infant or with their elbows arched outwards and their hands on their hips. Also typifying this group of figurines are conical breasts and mostly uncovered torsos that are girded at the hips with a decorative belt and a short skirt-like piece of clothing that covers the genitalia. The most notable features, however, are the elaborate hairstyles and the distinctive fan-shaped headdresses, which has been of particular interest to scholars. In contrast to most hairstyles and headwear that were typically devoid of decoration, the fan-shaped headdresses—the real-life equivalents of which were thought to have been fashioned out of textiles or even hair—were multiform due to the application of various decorations like cones, flowers, ropes, tiaras, panniers and double-voluted ornaments.

Terracotta figure, Harappa (Pakistan), Indus Valley Civilization (National Museum, New Delhi; photo: Gary Todd)

The less numerous male figurines, mostly from the Mature Harappan Phase, are distinguished by their slender form, exaggerated disk-like nipples, headdress and, occasionally, a beard. Exposed genitalia are more common among the earlier seated figurines than the later standing ones. The distinctive male headdresses are usually characterized by double-buns or horns that may be pointed, V-shaped or curved. Depicted sometimes with corded neck ornaments and a loincloth or skirt; and in rarer cases as having both male, female, or indistinct attributes—as renderings of infants and children—the gender of the figurines is sometimes ambiguous.

Terracotta figures, c. 2500 B.C.E. Indus Valley Culture, Chanhu Daro, Pakistan (Brooklyn Museum)

Compared to the human figurines, the anthropomorphic ones are relatively fewer in number and are typically represented as carrying oval or cylindrical objects, believed to represent musical or ritualistic instruments. These figurines, like the former, have been discovered both independently and as a part of larger domestic scenes, in which they are seated on beds, stools, or carts, with some engaged in manual work such as grinding.

Molded tablet, Harappa, terracotta, 3.81 cm long (Harappa Museum)

Unlike the tablets of the time that were made from molds, these figurines were hand modeled, likely using three techniques: pinching, used to create sharper ridges for facial features; appliqué, used to attach clay shapes—for eyes, eyebrows, lips, breasts and jewelry—to the main figure; and incision, used to produce designs and patterns by carving into wet clay. Interestingly, the figurines typically had flattened backs and uneven feet, possibly an intentional feature, which rendered them unable to stand unsupported and allowed only frontal viewing.

Almost all terracotta figurines from this period were created out of two vertically joined halves of fine clay, which may have been sourced from the beds of rivers and lakes in the region. Scholars believe that the process and intention behind their creation may have also had a symbolic resonance—the two vertically joined halves, for instance, connoting a Harappan concept of dualism and self-integration, or the conceptual melding of the male and female.

Terracotta figures, Harappa (Pakistan), Indus Valley Civilization (National Museum, New Delhi; photo: Gary Todd)

Differing interpretations of this group of terracotta objects, particularly the female figurines, offer different attributions. Some scholars propose a cultural or ceremonial significance and others cite religious symbolisms, some dubiously claiming the figurines to be representations of a Mother Goddess cult. As with so many other cultural artifacts uncovered from the Indus Valley sites, the purpose and meaning of the terracotta human figurines remains a mystery, in large part due to the fact that the Indus script has not yet been fully deciphered.

In total, around 8,500 fragments of figurines have been excavated since 1920, most of which were found in a broken state attributed to wear-and-tear and trampling. Although the figural content of these fragments—now scattered across museums in India, Pakistan and Europe—fail to provide definitive insights, the stylistic and material aspects of the Indus Valley terracotta figurines provide the basis for a broad understanding of the life and material culture of Indus Valley Civilization.

Drawing from articles on The MAP Academy

Ban Chiang Jar, clay, Ban Chiang, north-eastern Thailand, 1st millennium B.C.E. (© Trustees of the British Museum)

The red on buff swirl designs found on Late Period (300 B.C.E.–200 C.E.) Ban Chiang vessels, like the one now housed in the British Museum, appealed to the aesthetic sensibilities of collectors. Hand painted, the bands of red that swirl every which way around the body of jars and pots, bely the steady hand of these ancient peoples and their culture of which we have no written documentation. In the decades since its discovery, archaeologists have pieced together a history for this prehistoric culture that is characterized by a peaceful Bronze Age society that was the first to develop wet-rice cultivation in the region of Southeast Asia.

Map showing the location of the Ban Chiang Archaeological Site, province of Udon Thani, Thailand (adapted from a UNESCO map)

Ban Chiang, located in the northeastern Thai province of Udon Thani, is considered the most important prehistoric culture in Southeast Asia. Its significance is derived from over 300 excavated archaeological settlements that have unearthed a sophisticated material culture that includes painted ceramic pottery, metal tools, and jewelry, as well as the earliest evidence for farming in the region. The name “Ban Chiang” is not how the people associated with this culture referred to themselves. Instead, Ban Chiang refers to a modern village turned archaeological site where these prehistoric materials and human remains were discovered.  

“Discovering” Ban Chiang 

Although nearly all written histories identify Stephen Young as the first to discover this ancient culture in 1966, the villagers living there had known about artifacts related to it a decade earlier. [1] Moreover, the Fine Arts Department (FAD) of Thailand had listed Ban Chiang as an archaeological site in 1960. [2] While Young did not actually discover Ban Chiang, his political and cultural connections helped to create the right circumstances and elevate interest that made the excavations possible. In 1966, Young was a Harvard College student conducting field research for his senior thesis on Northern Thai village politics. His father, Kenneth Todd Young, Jr., had been an Ambassador to Thailand from 1961–63, and at the time of his studies was the President of the U.S.-based Asia Society. [3] During a walk in the village, he tripped on a tree root and fell over a partly buried ceramic pot, which he presented to his host Princess Chumbhot who alerted the FAD and her friend Elizabeth Lyons with the Ford Foundation in Bangkok. [4] One year later, excavations at the village commenced. 

After the preliminary excavations took place, Lyons arranged for excavated ceramic sherds to be sent to the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology for thermoluminescence (TL) testing. The results of the tests suggested that the sherds dated to 5,000–3,000 B.C.E. We now know that these dates are inaccurate because the TL technology—at the time—was still being refined. However, in 1971, the early dating created great excitement in the archaeological community since it suggested that Ban Chiang was the earliest Bronze Age site known. These dates have since been revised, with scholars now suggesting that the Ban Chiang culture dates from 2000 B.C.E.–300 C.E. 

Reframing Southeast Asian history and culture 

Adze, 300 B.C.E.–250 C.E., copper alloy, Ban Chiang Culture, Thailand (LACMA)

Even though Ban Chiang may not be the cradle of civilization, its discovery and study is significant to the history of Thailand specifically, and to the region of Southeast Asia more generally. Prior to its discovery, the region was seen as a cultural backwater whose major technological or artistic achievements were the result of Chinese and Indian influences. Until the discovery of Ban Chiang, archaeologists believed that bronze metallurgy was associated only with complex, socially stratified societies and that this technology was not introduced to Southeast Asia until 500 B.C.E. [5] Ban Chiang proved both hypotheses wrong.

First, metal objects found in burials at Ban Chiang date to the 900–300 B.C.E. and while the technology itself was likely introduced from southern China, this revised date is 400 years earlier than archaeologists had previously recognized. Second, burial remains at the excavation sites indicate that there was little social stratification during the Ban Chiang period; however, there is evidence that people had clear roles, such as farmers or hunters. This is quite surprising as the development of metal technology and use of metal tools and weapons is associated with social stratification and warfare, which is seen in other societies such as those from the Shang Period (1600–1050 B.C.E.) in China. Throughout its history, Ban Chiang appears to have been a largely non-hierarchical and peaceful society.

Bracelet with four bells, 300 B.C.E.–150 C.E., copper alloy, Ban Chiang Culture, Thailand (LACMA)

Also interesting is that metal jewelry such as bracelets and anklets are often found in the graves of children rather than adults, perhaps indicating their value in society. Small bracelets such as the one now in the collection of LACMA were crafted from molds utilizing an alloy of tin and copper. When new, this bracelet would have cast a golden hue. 

Metal technology may have been introduced to the region from China; however, the production and craftsmanship of ceramic goods in Ban Chiang developed independently. During a joint excavation by the FAD and the University of Pennsylvania (UPenn) in 1974 and 1975, an enormous number of ceramic sherds and vessels were unearthed. Ceramic vessels have been used to create a chronology for the Ban Chiang Period. This is possible because of the distinctive stylistic changes of the vessels over time and the documentation of their stratigraphic location during excavation. 

Pot, 4th–3rd century B.C.E., black earthenware with incised decoration, 16.83 cm diameter, 12.86 cm high (LACMA)

Pot, Late Period, 300 B.C.E–200 C.E., fired and painted clay, Ban Chiang, Thailand (Penn Museum)

Early vessels, such as this flat bottom, black pot with corded design now at the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, are distinctively different in style and form from later pots, which have thinner walls, and geometric red on buff designs. While we do not know if there was any meaning behind such painted designs, their appearance suggests that its makers and users had the time and interest in beautifying their wares. Although red on buff vessels have come to predominate our understanding of the Late Ban Chiang period, as collectors were drawn to this style, ceramic vessels continued to be made with a cord-marked design, utilizing fibrous materials such as rope, or incised with a stylus, likely made of wood. 

Many of these vessels have been found in burials, but also as remains of daily life and include clues as to how these prehistoric peoples lived. In one such example, excavated pots from the joint FAD and UPenn excavations unearthed several vessels with rice grains and husks that were later examined. Studies concluded that Ban Chiang was the first culture to utilize wet-rice cultivation in the Southeast Asian region. This has been a point of pride for the modern Thai government and the nation’s people. 

Celebrity and looting 

After the incorrect initial TL test results, which associated Ban Chiang with the earliest Bronze Age, were made public in 1971, interest in Ban Chiang ceramic goods and metal objects increased exponentially and led to rampant looting. Collectors of such items included Thai cultural stakeholders such as Princess Chumbot and other social elites as well as American serviceman stationed at the US satellite Air Force base in Udon Thai. This helped to create a black market in illegally excavated wares and explains the prevalence and distribution of Ban Chiang artifacts in museums throughout the U.S. and elsewhere. The extent and speed of the looting threatened the ability to study the sites and better understand the prehistoric culture. In response, HM King Bhumibol Adulyadej enacted a law in 1972 that prohibited the sale or export of Ban Chiang artifacts. This, however, did not stop the continued looting or illicit market for Ban Chiang goods before the joint excavations in 1974–75, which was the first major excavations and systematic study of the sites. The excavations as well as advancements made in TL testing and carbon-14 dating resulted in a better understanding of the Ban Chiang settlements as well as a revision of the initial dates. 

Open-air archaeological site of Wat Po Si Nai, with ceramic items visible, Ban Chiang Archaeological Site (photo: Ko Hon Chiu Vincent)

Interest in collecting Ban Chiang artifacts began a gradual decline after the revised dates for the period were published and made known to the public, and because the market had become diluted by forgeries made by enterprising villagers. This, however, has not diminished the importance of Ban Chiang in reframing our understanding of prehistoric Southeast Asia in the world, and the societies whose remains and material culture have given insight into this past. In 1992, the Ban Chiang Archaeological Site was recognized by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) as a World Heritage Site. Today, visitors can visit the Ban Chiang National Museum, which includes the open-air archaeological site of Wat Po Si Nai where one can see physical remains and ceramic items in situ. The museum also includes a building that exhibits antiquities unearthed from previous excavations.

Map of South Asia

Understanding geography is particularly important for the study of art of South Asia, not only because the topography of the region is so diverse, but also because, for many who live on the subcontinent, the landscape itself is considered to be sacred and often appears as a main subject in works of art. Today, the region of South Asia can include the nation-states of Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and the Maldives. Scholars also use the term “Indian subcontinent” to refer to the broader region of mainland South Asia and the countries that comprise the geographic formation that dominates this southern part of Asia. Historically, the term “India” (or Hindustan) was used by people living outside this region to refer to the land beyond the Indus River.

Raja Balwant Singh of Jammu hunting partridges, by Nainsukh, opaque watercolor on paper, Jammu, c. 1753 (The Victoria and Albert Museum, London)

Studying the geography of South Asia can also be a way to better understand the people who created or commissioned works of art. In addition, maps and depictions of landscapes can provide insight into transitions of political power, the territorial desires of rulers, as well as the places where artists lived and worked. Contemporary maps of the Indian subcontinent often utilize satellite images and focus on geo-political boundaries. But these contemporary maps are only one perspective of the geography of South Asia.

Map of the subcontinent showing how it was divided between 1700–1792, made during the period of British colonial rule in 1923 for William R. Shepherd, Historical Atlas (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1923) (source)

A Google map of South Asia captured today looks quite different from a map of the subcontinent made during the period of British colonial rule, reminding us that countries (such as Bangladesh) or states (like Chhattisgarh, Telangana, and Uttarakhand in India) were formed within the last several decades.

Abu’l Hasan, with borders by Muhammad Sadiq, Allegorical representation of Emperor Jahangir and Shah Abbas of Persia from the St. Petersburg Album, c. 1618, Mughal dynasty, opaque watercolor, ink, silver and gold on paper, 23.8 x 15.4 cm (National Museum of Asian Art)

Early depictions of the geography of South Asia, such as allegorical paintings produced under Mughal patronage, suggest the importance of visually connecting the body of a ruler with a particular geographical territory. There are also visually complex maps of specific locations in South Asia that speak to the cultural potency of certain landscapes and the desire to visualize large urban centers and sacred pilgrimage sites.

“Hind Devi,” c. 1920s–30s, print, in Catherine Mayo, Mother India (Bombay, 1928)

The geography of South Asia has also been politicized in more recent years, as in this c. 1920–30s advertisement that depicts the nationalist goddess Hind Devi (more popularly known as Bharat Mata or Mother India) as an embodiment of a map, with the goddess’ pink and gold sari flowing beyond her body to create the cartographic shape of India.

Map-Shawl (a pictorial map of Srinagar, a city in the disputed region of Kashmir, north of India), third quarter of 19th century, made in Kashmir, wool embroidered with woolen thread, 90 x 78 inches (V&A). This was never intended to be worn and was likely commissioned by Maharaja Ranbir Singh of Jammu and Kashmir as a gift for Queen Victoria.

One useful approach for understanding the geography of South Asia is to consider topographical regions that create natural boundaries and areas of cultural affiliation, even when those regions overlap or defy contemporary geo-political borders. Approaching geography in this way reinforces shared cultural traditions in South Asia and highlights linkages between artistic practices across this diverse space.   

Indo-Gangetic Plain 

Map of the Indo-Gangetic Plain (map: Jeroen, CC BY-SA 2.5)

One of the most famous rivers in South Asia is the Ganges River, which runs along the northern and eastern regions of the Indian subcontinent just below the Himalayan mountain range. The fertile land on either side of the Ganges River is known as the Gangetic Plain. This large region has long been home to important cities, artistic sites, and cultural activity. The Gangetic Plain encompasses present-day Bangladesh, parts of Nepal and Bhutan, as well as areas within the  states of Bihar, Jharkhand, Odisha, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal in India.

Another important river in South Asia, the Indus River, has also been a center for cultural activity for millennia. The Indus begins in the high mountains of western Tibet then flows down through Kashmir as well as through the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK), Punjab, and Sindh provinces in Pakistan, ultimately emptying into the Arabian Sea, just south of the city of Karachi.

These two rivers—the Indus and the Ganges—and their surrounding landscape form an area known as the Indo-Gangetic Plain, which crosses the northern part of the Indian subcontinent and includes both its northeastern and northwestern regions.

Map of South Asia

The Deccan + the South

Topographic map of the Deccan Plateau showing the locations of major cities and towns (map: Planemad, CC BY-SA 4.0)

The Deccan Plateau is a large triangular plateau of basalt and granite that rises between the coastal mountain ranges of the Western Ghats and the Eastern Ghats, just below the Vindhya mountains. The Deccan Plateau crosses the border of several states in India including Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, and Telangana. Historically, this region was home to important kingdoms whose rulers were great patrons of art and architecture. The Deccan is also a significant area for agriculture and responsible for producing a variety of goods including grains and cotton. Today, some of the largest cities in India are in the Deccan, including Bangalore, Hyderabad, and Pune. The Deccan Plateau, along with its coastal boundaries (the Coromandel Coast on the east and the Malabar Coast on the west), encompass the entire southern region of the Indian subcontinent.

The North + West

Between the Gangetic Plain (to the north and east), the Vindhya mountains (to the south), and the Indus River valley (to the west) is a small, but important region that includes the states of Chattisgarh, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Rajasthan, and Uttarakhand in India. This northern and western region of the subcontinent has long been home to important artistic and cultural centers, including those of the great Rajput chiefs who were major patrons of art and architecture.

Understanding the geography of South Asia has never been a straight-forward task. Geo-political borders can be sources of tension, even violence, in South Asia today and often obscure shared artistic practices that cross or disrupt boundaries of contemporary nation-states. As historians and students of South Asian art it is helpful to remember that many borders are new, and that people of the past had very different conceptions of their home and their place within the world. Furthermore, while understanding geography is important for the study of South Asia, it provides only one perspective from which to explore the diverse visual and material culture from this region.

Modern sculptural representation of Fu Hao at the Tomb of Fu Hao (Tomb 5 at Xiaotun), Yinxu, Anyang, Henan, China (photo: Gary Todd, CC0 1.0)

Who was Fu Hao?

Map of the Shang (underlying map © Google)

Military commander, landowner, administrator, royal consort, and mother of the heir to the throne—the warrior-queen Fu Hao (or Lady Hao) is one of the most extraordinary women in the history of the ancient world. Fu Hao, who lived during the 13th Century B.C.E., was one of three royal consorts of the twenty-first king of the Shang dynasty, Wu Ding, who ruled from the last Shang dynasty capital at Yin located in modern day Anyang, in Henan province.

The story of Fu Hao’s remarkable life can be pieced together from objects found in her lavish tomb near Xiaotun in Anyang, as well as inscriptions on tortoise shells and ox scapulae (sometimes called “oracle bones”) used in divination ceremonies performed by her husband Wu Ding.

From these “oracle bone” inscriptions, we learn that Fu Hao was not only a royal consort and mother of the heir apparent, but she also held a high status as a military general second in command to the king. With the most important generals in Shang history under her command, she led thousands of troops in successful military campaigns against hostile tribes beyond the Shang borders. She also participated in sacrificial rituals to appease the ancestral spirits whom the Shang believed influenced every aspect of their lives. Graphic inscriptions on oracle bones and objects found in Fu Hao’s tomb illustrate how she captured her enemies in battle and sacrificed them to her ancestors through cooking, beheading, burning, and boiling them alive. 

Oracle bones

An oracle bone from the reign of King Wu Ding (late Shang dynasty), but not from Fu Hao’s tomb, c. 1200 B.C.E., Anyang, Henan Province, China (National Museum of China; photo: BabelStone, CC BY-SA 3.0)

Before Fu Hao’s tomb was discovered in 1976, we only knew her name from the oracle bone inscriptions discovered at Xiaotun in Anyang. Oracle bones, many of which have been reassembled from fragments, give us invaluable information about Shang society and religion during the late Shang (1200–1000 B.C.E.), especially the hopes, fears, and preoccupations of the late Shang kings. 

Beginning with King Wu Ding, the late Shang kings attempted to communicate with their ancestors and Di (the high God) through oracle bone divination to predict the future. They used turtle plastrons and bovine scapulae that were polished and drilled with small hollows on one side. When heat was applied to the hollows with a hot poker, the bones would crack on the other side. During the divination ceremony, the diviner spoke a charge (proposition) that conveyed the king’s concerns or something he needed to know. The charge was spoken in pairs, in the positive and the negative, such as “Fu Hao’s childbirth will be auspicious” and “Fu Hao’s childbirth will not be auspicious.” With each charge the hot poker was applied to a hollow and the bone cracked, making a dramatic “puck!” sound. The king (and occasionally the diviner) then read and interpreted the cracks. After the ritual was over, a scribe engraved a record of the divination on the bone, including the date, name of the diviner, topic of divination, and sometimes a prognostication and a result (if we are lucky!).

The Shang kings at Anyang divined about numerous topics of concern from sacrifices, military campaigns, and hunting expeditions, to weather, agriculture, sickness, dreams, and childbirth. King Wu Ding, who is responsible for the majority of divination records, frequently divined about Fu Hao, both while she was alive and after her death when she became a royal ancestor. In the case of one inscription about Fu Hao’s childbirth, we learn it was inauspicious. She had a girl. 

Reconstruction of the Tomb of Fu Hao (Tomb 5 at Xiaotun), late Shang dynasty, 1200 B.C.E., Yinxu, Anyang, Henan, China (photo: Gary Todd, CC0 1.0)

Tomb structure and inventory

Excavation of Fu Hao’s tomb

Despite Fu Hao’s status in Shang society, she was not afforded a burial in the royal cemetery at Xibeigang where the kings of the last Shang dynasty capital were laid to rest. Instead, and fortunate for us, she was interred in a location where grave robbers did not think to look. Her tomb was discovered 200 meters west of the capital ruins of palaces, temples, and oracle bone archives as well as near several lesser burials at Xiaotun. Unlike the massive tombs in the royal cemetery which were looted in antiquity, Fu Hao’s tomb remained intact until its excavation in 1976. While the immense size of the royal tombs of the Shang kings looms over Fu Hao’s modest resting place, the excavation of her tomb gave us our first true glimpse at the vast wealth of Shang royalty and their lavish burial customs. 

Jade ge dagger, Kneeling figure, jade pei, from the Tomb of Fu Hao (Tomb 5 at Xiaotun), late Shang dynasty, 1200 B.C.E., Yinxu, Anyang, Henan, China (photo: Gary Todd, CC0 1.)

Kneeling figure, jade pei, from the Tomb of Fu Hao (Tomb 5 at Xiaotun), late Shang dynasty, 1200 B.C.E., Yinxu, Anyang, Henan, China (photo: Zcm11, CC BY-SA 3.0)

Kneeling figure, jade, from the Tomb of Fu Hao (Tomb 5 at Xiaotun), late Shang dynasty, 1200 B.C.E., Yinxu, Anyang, Henan, China

Fu Hao’s tomb was a vertical earthen pit tomb measuring 5.6 x 4 meters with a depth of 7.5 meters. Archaeologists believe Fu Hao was buried in nesting coffins made of red and black lacquered wood. Her tomb was furnished with some 1,600 burial objects, 16 human victims, and 6 dogs. The dogs were found in a sacrificial pit (yaokeng) at the bottom of the tomb with a sacrificial human victim, while other sacrificial victims were in the outer coffin in niches in the tomb shaft above, and placed on a burial ledge (ercengtai) around the perimeter of the tomb shaft.

The tomb inventory included 468 bronze objects (of which 130 were weapons), 755 jade objects, including Neolithic jades passed down as heirlooms or acquired through import or other means, 63 stone objects, 5 ivory items, 564 bone objects, 6,900 cowry shells, and 11 pottery vessels. [1]

Bronze mirror, from the Tomb of Fu Hao (Tomb 5 at Xiaotun), late Shang dynasty, 1200 B.C.E., Yinxu, Anyang, Henan, China (photo: Gary Todd, CC0 1.0)

Some non-Shang objects, including mirrors and ring-handled knives, found in the tomb suggest Fu Hao may have come from a non-Shang background. However, she may have acquired these objects as loot on her many military expeditions. 

Bronze ding with her posthumous title, “Si Mu Xin” inscribed on it (as seen on the rubbing on the right), from the Tomb of Fu Hao (Tomb 5 at Xiaotun), late Shang dynasty, 1200 B.C.E., Yinxu, Anyang, Henan, China (photo: Gary Todd, CC0 1.0

Bronze ritual vessels

Fu Hao’s tomb contained more than 200 bronze ritual vessels, indicative of her social and ritual status in Shang society. 160 of her bronzes were inscribed with her name, meaning “Noble Daughter,” while others were inscribed with her posthumous titles—Queen Xin, Mother Xin, and Ancestress Xin. The latter were cast and used by King Wu Ding, Fu Hao’s sons, and her relatives to make sacrifices to her at her funeral.

The name “Xin” was derived from one of the names of the days in the 10-day Shang week. “Xin” refers to the cyclical day that sacrifices were made to Fu Hao’s spirit after her death.

Reconstruction of the sacrificial altar above Fu Hao’s tomb (Tomb 5 at Xiaotun), late Shang dynasty, 1200 B.C.E., Yinxu, Anyang, Henan, China (photo: Gary Todd, CC0 1.0

Archaeologists believe an open-air structure originally stood above Fu Hao’s tomb where her living descendants continued to appease her spirit through sacrificial offerings come every “Xin” day of the week. 

Other bronzes in the tomb were inscribed with the name Queen Qiao Gui, a posthumous title and name of a former royal consort. These were likely bronzes commissioned and used by Fu Hao during her lifetime in sacrifices addressing her maternal ancestress who had the clan name “Qiao” and the posthumous title, or temple/day name “Gui.” Queen Qiao Gui also appears in oracle bone inscriptions. Fu Hao’s husband, King Wu Ding, made sacrifices to Qiao Gui and sometimes asked if Fu Hao should as well. Fu Hao would have used Qiao Gui bronze vessels on the specific “Gui” day to make sacrifices to her ancestor. The vessels were interred in Fu Hao’s tomb so that she could continue to make sacrifices to Qiao Gui in the afterlife. Fu Hao also used vessels inscribed with her own name, but these were not limited in worship to one royal spirit.

This vessel is decorated with frontal taotie with gui dragons used as filler motifs. The flat legs are in the shape of gui dragons as well. Bronze fangding from the Tomb of Fu Hao (Tomb 5 at Xiaotun), late Shang dynasty, 1200 B.C.E., Yinxu, Anyang, Henan, China (photo: Siyuwj, CC BY-SA 4.0). Click here to see the taotie outlined on the fangding.

Bronze jue vessel from the Tomb of Fu Hao (Tomb 5 at Xiaotun), late Shang dynasty, 1200 B.C.E., Yinxu, Anyang, Henan, China (photo: Gary Todd, CC0 1.0)

Fu Hao’s assemblage of ritual vessels included characteristic vessel types of the Shang dynasty, such as a graduated set of forty tripod jue wine pouring vessels, a set of three fangjia, and a set of five fangding vessels.

These vessels are decorated with the characteristic taotie mask, a motif that was ubiquitous in Shang bronze decoration from the middle Shang phase (Zhengzhou period) on. 

Bronze owl-shaped zun from the Tomb of Fu Hao (Tomb 5 at Xiaotun), late Shang dynasty, 1200 B.C.E., Yinxu, Anyang, Henan, China (photo: Gary Todd, CC0 1.0)

Bronze guang from the Tomb of Fu Hao (Tomb 5 at Xiaotun), late Shang dynasty, 1200 B.C.E., Yinxu, Anyang, Henan, China (photo: Gary Todd, CC0 1.0)

Innovative vessel types in the shapes of animals, both real and fantastic, were also included in Fu Hao’s inventory. These reveal the ingenuity of Shang bronze casters. Examples include two owl-shaped zun wine containers and an imaginative animal-shaped guang vessel used for pouring alcoholic spirits in Shang rituals.

The guang juxtaposes a composite of a feline and an owl in the design of the vessel. The front portion of the lid of the guang is in the shape of a feline with bared fangs, while the rear portion takes the shape of an owl with round eyes and a pointed beak. The bodies of these creatures extend down onto the vessel proper where we see the limbs of the feline and its long curling tail, and the wings of the owl against a background of squared spirals (called leiwen, or “thunder pattern”). Typical of Shang bronze decoration, profile dragons (gui) and birds are used as filler motifs and the handle is adorned with a sculptural animal head. Hooked flanges running along the ridge of the lid and under the spout of the vessel highlight its curved profile. With the lack of Shang textual references to bronze decoration, the meaning of this rich and imaginative vocabulary of animal imagery is unknown. The decorative vocabulary of Shang bronzes may be purely ornamental, but the connection with the ritual function of the bronze vessels cannot be ignored.

While the lost wax technique was used elsewhere in Eurasia at the time for bronze casting, Shang casters employed a distinctive local piece-mold technique to cast bronze vessels. With the piece mold technique, the caster started with a clay model of the vessel, complete with carved decoration, and then created a piece mold from the clay model that could be used for casting. The piece mold for a round vessel would have two outer sections, a core, and a lid with a siphon for pouring molten bronze into the hollow cavities of the mold. Shang casters never reused the original clay model or the mold, which was broken apart in the casting process. Each bronze vessel found in Fu Hao’s tomb was made from an original clay mold, even those made for matching sets of vessels. 

Bronze yue axe from the Tomb of Fu Hao (Tomb 5 at Xiaotun), late Shang dynasty, 1200 B.C.E., Yinxu, Anyang, Henan, China (photo: Augusthaiho, CC BY-SA 4.0)

Fu Hao’s sacrificial axe

Bronze yue axe with a pair of confronting gui dragons, from the Tomb of Fu Hao (Tomb 5 at Xiaotun), late Shang dynasty, 1200 B.C.E., Yinxu, Anyang, Henan, China

Over 130 weapons buried in Fu Hao’s tomb attest to her power and status as a female military leader and ritual practitioner under King Wu Ding. Fu Hao’s tomb yielded four large, flat bronze yue axes associated with the conferment of military authority. Excavated and transmitted texts also attest to the use of yue axes in decapitation rituals, which Fu Hao partook in.

One of Fu Hao’s axes is decorated with a pair of confronting gui dragons, rendered in profile, with their mouths wide open around a floating human head. The iconography is related to the function of the axe as an executioner’s weapon for decapitation but may also be linked to Fu Hao’s status as a consort of Wu Ding. There are only two examples of the motif, and both are connected to Wu Ding’s consorts through inscriptions. [2]

The discovery of Fu Hao’s tomb and the material objects she used in life and death not only corroborated oracle bone inscriptions about this favored royal consort of King Wu Ding, but they also confirmed Fu Hao’s role as one of the most important female military commanders, warriors, and ritualists in the history of ancient China. 

Stamp seal, c. 2400–2000 B.C.E., Bronze Age Iran, Lapis lazuli, 2.3 x 3.10–4 cm (© Trustees of the British Museum)

This stamp seal was originally almost square, but because of damage one corner is missing. Originally two figures faced each other. The one on the left has largely disappeared. On the right is a man with his legs folded beneath him. It is suggested that at the top are rain clouds and rain or a fenced enclosure. Behind the man are a long-horned goat above a zebu. This last animal is related in style to similar creatures depicted on seals from the Indus Valley civilization, which was thriving at this time. There were close connections between the Indus Valley civilization and eastern Iran.

One of the prized materials that was traded across the region was lapis lazuli, the blue stone from which this seal is made. The Sar-i Sang mines in the region of Badakhshan in north-east Afghanistan were probably the source for all lapis lazuli used in the ancient Near East. From here it was carried across Iran, where several lapis working sites have been discovered, and on to Mesopotamia and Egypt. Another source for lapis lazuli exists in southern Pakistan (a region of the Indus Valley civilization) but it is unclear if they were mined at the time of this seal.

© Trustees of the British Museum

Jōmon pot, c. 5000 B.C.E., cord-marked and lacquered, Japan 17 cm in diameter (© Trustees of the British Museum)

Skill in pottery has been an important defining aspect of Japanese culture from earliest time. There are pottery fragments from Aomori in northern Japan which date from about 14,500 B.C.E., and are believed to be among the oldest yet discovered anywhere in the world.

So-called ‘Jōmon’ wares were first discovered in 1877 at a site known as the Ōmori shell-mound near Tokyo. Those examples were so named by an American archaeologist, Edward S. Morse.

Jōmon means ‘cord pattern’ and the term describes the characteristic surface patterns that were made with a twisted cord. The name was later applied to the long period of well over 10,000 years of prehistory in the Japanese archipelago. The Jōmon peoples were predominantly hunters, fishers and gatherers and their pots were mainly used for boiling food and for eating.

This bowl, which originally had a lid, has a well-defined rim decoration of marks jabbed with a stick, bone, or finger-nail. The main body has cord decoration. The inside has been lacquered, probably sometime in the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, when the vessel was briefly used as a mizusashi (water jar) for the Tea Ceremony.

Beaker, c. 2000–1000 B.C.E., Jōmon period, impressed, Japan 20.9 cm in diameter (© Trustees of the British Museum)

This vessel has a gentle outward curve ending in a wide mouth. It is decorated with an all-over design made by the impression of a cord, and a shallowly incised border. It belongs to the final phase of Jōmon wares (about 2000–1000 B.C.E.). It was probably used for boiling food, including plants, nuts, fish and meat.

© Trustees of the British Museum

Lidded ritual ewer (guang) with taotie, dragons, birds, tigers, elephants, fish, snakes, and humans, Shang Dynasty, Middle Yangzi Valley, China, c. 1100–1050 ​B.C.E., bronze, 31.4 x 31.5 x 14.4 cm (Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington DC; Gift of Eugene and Agnes E. Meyer, F1961.33a-b)A conversation with Keith Wilson, Curator of Ancient Chinese art, and Beth Harris

Lidded ritual ewer (guang) with taotie, dragons, birds, tigers, elephants, fish, snakes, and humans, c. 1100–1050 B.C.E., bronze, China, Middle Yangzi Valley, 31.4 high x 31.5 x 14.4 cm (Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC: Gift of Eugene and Agnes E. Meyer, F1961.33a-b)

Handle of lidded ritual ewer (guang) with taotie, dragons, birds, tigers, elephants, fish, snakes, and humans, c. 1100–1050 B.C.E.

This interestingly shaped ewer, a vase-shaped pitcher, is called a guang (“gwang”) in Chinese. It is designed as a pouring vessel. The broad, raised spout aligns with a vertical handle at the back. It ingeniously combines a handful of fantastic beasts into its form. At the front of the vessel is a horned bird with a hooked beak. Its wings, composed of coiled dragons, cover its flanks. The space between these areas is filled with matching pairs of dragons, reptiles, and birds.

The handle also takes the shape of a standing bird, its head caught in the jaws of a horned beast. It divides the animal mask—taotie—into halves. Find one of its staring eyes. Below it is a snout and open mouth. The creature has the head of a snake man in either side of its mouth. The lid is decorated with two prominent animal masks: a ram head at the front and a buffalo head at the back. See if you can identify the animals that form their horns and fill the area between the two bodiless heads.

The lid of a ritual ewer (guang) with taotie, dragons, birds, tigers, elephants, fish, snakes, and humans, c. 1100–1050 B.C.E., bronze, China, Middle Yangzi Valley, 31.4 high x 31.5 x 14.4 cm (Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC: Gift of Eugene and Agnes E. Meyer, F1961.33a-b)

Real and imaginary animals are frequently seen in the surface decoration of ancient Chinese bronzes. Realistic depictions of living animals were typically produced in southern China, while in the north, fantastic creatures were prevalent. One of the most characteristic mythical images decorating Shang vessels is the so-called taotie. It is a frontal animal-like mask with a pair of staring eyes, often protruding in high relief. Between the eyes is a nose, with jaws shown directly below. The taotie motif here also includes eyebrows, horns, ears, snout, and fangs. The emergence of animal-shaped bronze vessels and the popularity of animal motifs clearly indicate the importance of animals in the repertoire of artisans of this era.

Lidded ritual ewer (guang) with taotie, dragons, birds, tigers, elephants, fish, snakes, and humans, c. 1100–1050 B.C.E., bronze, China, Middle Yangzi Valley, 31.4 high x 31.5 x 14.4 cm (Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC: Gift of Eugene and Agnes E. Meyer, F1961.33a-b)

Chinese bronzes like this guang show a mastery in casting rivaling that of other ancient civilizations. They were used to hold wine, water, grain, or meat in sacrifices to ancestors or in ritual banquets by Shang kings. The shape of each vessel matches its intended purpose. The fabulous animal motifs are unlikely to have been purely decorative. Although their exact meanings are unknown, they must have played a certain role in the rituals or in the popular imagination.

Axe (yue 鉞), Anyang period, late Shang dynasty, c. 1300–1050 B.C.E., bronze with turquoise inlay and jade (nephrite) blade, 21.3 high x 7.9 x 2.1 cm, China, probably Henan province, Anyang (Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian institution, Washington, DC: Purchase—Charles Lang Freer Endowment, F1941.4)

Map of the Shang (underlying map © Google)

The Shang is the earliest dynasty in Chinese history that can be verified through written and archaeological evidence. Established around 1600 B.C.E., it was centered in north China along the Yellow River valley, the so-called cradle of Chinese civilization. This area was ruled by one centralized government—the Shang royal family. The Shang kings ruled the kingdom from the capital city. They moved their capital many times before finally settling near the modern city of Anyang, where they stayed from about 1300 B.C.E. to 1050 B.C.E. The dynasty was ultimately overthrown by the Zhou people. It is clear from archaeological findings that the Shang rulers established a stable social order. Like many other societies, they did so through religion and shared ritual practices.

Inscribed tortoise carapace (“oracle bone”), Anyang period, late Shang dynasty, c. 1300–1050 B.C.E., tortoise shell, China, 6.5 high x 10.8 x 2.3 cm (Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.: The Dr. Paul Singer Collection of Chinese Art of the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution; a joint gift of the Arthur M. Sackler Foundation, Paul Singer, the AMS Foundation for the Arts, Sciences, and Humanities, and the Children of Arthur M. Sackler, S2012.9.445)

The Shang people centered their religious belief in a supreme deity, Di (Dee), who controlled the known universe. He also ruled over other spirits, including nature spirits and the ancestral spirits. The king was the only one who could communicate with Di. He did so by appealing to the royal ancestors, who were believed to be intermediaries between the king and Di. Performing divinations was one way to communicate. The king used “oracle bones”—tortoiseshells and ox scapulae—in elaborate divination ceremonies. The questions for the ancestors ranged from the weather to the outcome of a battle to the selection of heir for the throne. Afterward, both the questions and answers were frequently carved onto the object used in the ritual. These inscriptions mark the beginning of Chinese written history.

Lidded ritual ewer (huo) in the form of an elephant with masks and dragons, ca. first half 11th century B.C.E., bronze, 17.2 high x 10.7 x 21.4 cm, China, Middle Yangzi Valley (Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC: Purchase — Charles Lang Freer Endowment, F1936.6a-b)

The king would also make frequent sacrifices to ancestors to ensure their happiness so that they would continue to protect and bless his family and people. This began the enduring tradition of ancestor worship in Chinese culture. Bronze vessels played a critical role in these religious rituals. They were used to present offerings of wine and food to ancestral spirits. Wine vessels were particularly important for the Shang people, considering the number and variety of wine vessels discovered in Shang tombs. Some of the bronze vessels bear short inscriptions, usually two or three characters long, referring to a clan name and deceased ancestor. The Shang people’s love for animal designs is demonstrated by the common motifs used for Shang ritual bronzes, which included taotie masks, dragons, birds, and other geometric patterns. Besides vessels, bronze was used to make weapons for warfare. Together with chariots that had bronze fittings, these weapons equipped the Shang military force and allowed the Shang to maintain its military supremacy. However, the primary function for bronze was probably to make tools that increased the efficiency of agriculture and food production.

Tube (cong 琮), Anyang period, probably late Shang dynasty, c. 1300–1050 B.C.E., jade (nephrite), China, probably Henan province, Anyang, 16.6 high × 7.1 × 7.1 cm (Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC: Gift of Arthur M. Sackler, S1987.466)

Jade continued to be highly prized during the Shang dynasty. Some types of jade objects first created in the Neolithic period (c. 7000–1700 B.C.E.), such as the bi and cong, were still produced for ceremonial purposes. Since bronze was acquiring new importance as the material for conducting rituals, however, jade was more commonly used for personal ornaments.

The Shang people left many legacies for later generations: They established the political system and dynastic succession that lasted thousands of years. The tradition of ancestor worship is still key to Chinese culture today. Finally, the artistry and workmanship of Shang bronzes and jades continue to be admired to this day.

 

This resource was developed for Teaching China with the Smithsonian, made possible by the generous support of the Freeman Foundation

Banshan type jar, Gansu ware, Neolithic period, 5000–2000 B.C.E., earthenware with iron pigments, China, 36.1 x 42.3 cm (Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.: Purchase — Charles Lang Freer Endowment, F1930.96)

The Neolithic period, or New Stone Age, is characterized by the beginning of a settled human lifestyle. People learned to cultivate plants and domesticate animals for food, rather than rely solely on hunting and gathering. That coincided with the use of more sophisticated stone tools, which were useful for farming and animal herding. In China, this period began around 7000 B.C.E. and lasted until 1700 B.C.E.

Map of Neolithic China, with hotspots corresponding to published excavations. Different hotspot colors represent the different cultures revealed. See a responsive map here (underlying map © Google)

It is traditionally believed that Chinese civilization first emerged along the Yellow River and then spread to other parts of China. However, recent archaeological evidence suggests that a number of distinct cultures developed simultaneously across China, all along waterways. These cultures were located near the coastal areas, the Yellow River in the north, and the Yangzi River in the south. They are usually named after the site where remains of the culture were first discovered by modern archaeologists.

Neolithic people did not write. However, because they lived in settled communities, they left many traces behind, including the foundations of their houses, burial sites, tools, and crafts. We learn from the archaeological record that their diet included millet or rice, they domesticated pigs and dogs, and, as in all Neolithic cultures, there was extensive pottery production. Cultures in central China along the Yellow River were known for their painted pottery. Toward the late Neolithic period (c. 5000–1700 B.C.E.), fine gray and black pottery of elaborate forms were produced by cultures along the east and southeast coasts. The forms and decorative patterns of these pottery vessels continued to the Shang dynasty (c. 1600–1050 B.C.E.) and inspired the craftsmen of bronzes.

Hongshan culture, pendant in form of a mask, c. 3500–3000 B.C.E. (late Neolithic period), jade (nephrite), 5.7 x 17.2 x .4 cm (Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC: Gift of Therese and Erwin Harris, F1991.52)

Jade carving is another advanced craft invented by Neolithic people. It plays a major part in Chinese culture to this day. Neolithic jade objects include personal ornaments, such as bracelets, earrings, and pendants, but most importantly, objects designed for ritual or ceremonial use, such as axe heads, blades, and knives. Hongshan culture (c. 3800–2700 B.C.E.) in the northeast produced some of the earliest jades used as pendants, including the so-called pig dragons (a creature with the head of a pig and the curled body of a dragon) and the toothed pendants (such as the the pendant in the form of a mask, discussed in more detail below). [1] Both kinds were found placed on the chest of tomb occupants.

Liangzhu culture 良渚 (c. 3300–ca. 2250 B.C.E.), One-tier tube (cong 琮) with masks, Late Neolithic period, c. 3300–c. 2250 B.C.E., jade (nephrite), China, Lake Tai region, 4.5 x 7.2 x 7.2 cm (Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC: Gift of Charles Lang Freer, F1916.118)

Liangzhu (c. 3300–2250 B.C.E.) people along the southeast coast made jade objects shaped like disks (bi, prounced as ‘bee’) and tubes (cong, pronounced as ‘tsong’) in large numbers. These objects were found carefully lined up around the deceased. Although the exact function of these jade pieces remains a mystery, they no doubt possessed important social and ritual value.

Sanxingdui culture, tube (cong), c. 2000–1000 B.C.E. (late Neolithic period), serpentine, China, Sichuan province, 3.4 x 6.4 cm (Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC: The Dr. Paul Singer Collection of Chinese Art of the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution; a joint gift of the Arthur M. Sackler Foundation, Paul Singer, the AMS Foundation for the Arts, Sciences, and Humanities, and the Children of Arthur M. Sackler, S2012.9.163)

Status objects like elaborate pottery and carved jades were placed in tombs during the Neolithic period. This practice suggests two things: Neolithic people’s belief in the afterlife and the emergence of social classes. Only important and wealthy individuals had the privilege of being buried with these precious objects, especially jades. These objects were luxuries, not necessary for life but cherished for for their beauty and ceremonial value. They required large amounts of raw materials and skilled labor to produce and were therefore accessible only to the ruling class, thus showing the existence of a surplus of wealth and labor in society.

The arts of Neolithic China not only demonstrate technical sophistication and superb craftsmanship but also reveal social organization and the emergence of religious beliefs.

Hongshan culture, pendant in form of a mask, c. 3500–3000 B.C.E. (late Neolithic period), jade (nephrite), 5.7 x 17.2 x .4 cm (Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC: Gift of Therese and Erwin Harris, F1991.52)

Hongshan culture, detail of pendant in form of a mask, c. 3500–3000 B.C.E. (late Neolithic period), jade (nephrite), 5.7 x 17.2 x .4 cm (Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC: Gift of Therese and Erwin Harris, F1991.52)

A single hole sits between the eyes. It is neatly drilled from both sides of the plaque. Can you guess why it’s there? It would have allowed the jade piece to be worn similar to a modern pendant, suspended on a cord and worn around the neck. It would have felt cool against the skin. All details are worked from the front, and the back is flat and polished smooth.

Amulet in the Form of a Seated Figure with Bovine Head 牛首玉人, c. 4700–2920 B.C.E. (Neolithic period), probably Hongshan culture, jade (nephrite), northeast China, 13.2 cm (The Cleveland Museum of Art)

The motif and meaning of toothed pendants have not yet been deciphered. Many scholars suspect that they are similar to other jade pendants that depict fantastic creatures. For example, an object from the Cleveland Museum of Art depicts the head of a cow on a human-like body and is also pierced for wearing as a pendant. These pendants appear to be more than mere decorations. They were all excavated from burial sites and found on prominent locations of the body. This pendant was most likely a power and status symbol for an elite member of the Hongshan community.

‘Ram in a Thicket’ (also referred to as a goat and flowering plant), about 2600–2400 B.C.E., Sumerian, found in tomb PG 1237, Royal Tombs of Ur, southern Iraq, gold, silver, lapis lazuli, shell, bitumen, copper alloy, and red limestone, 45.7 x 30.48 cm (© The Trustees of the British Museum)

This is one of an almost identical pair discovered by Leonard Woolley in the ‘Great Death Pit’, one of the graves in the Royal Cemetery at Ur. The other is now in the University of Pennsylvania Museum in Philadelphia. It was named the ‘Ram in a Thicket’ by the excavator Leonard Woolley, who liked biblical allusions. In Genesis 22:13, God ordered Abraham to sacrifice his son Isaac, but at the last moment “Abraham lifted up his eyes, and looked, and behold behind him a ram caught in a thicket by his horns: and Abraham went and took the ram, and offered him up for a burnt offering in the stead of his son.”

‘Ram in a Thicket’, about 2600–2400 B.C.E., Sumerian, found in tomb PG 1237, Royal Tombs of Ur, southern Iraq, gold, silver, lapis lazuli, shell, bitumen, copper alloy, and red limestone, 45.7 x 30.48 cm (© The Trustees of the British Museum)

The ‘ram’ is more accurately described as a goat, and he reaches up for the tastiest branches in a pose often adopted by goats. Goats and sheep in the Near East were among the earliest animals to be domesticated. They were an everyday feature of agricultural life and are regularly depicted by artists in many different ways.

The figure had been crushed flat by the weight of the soil and the wooden core had perished. Wax was used to keep the pieces together as it was lifted from the ground, and it was then pressed back into shape. The ram’s head and legs are covered in gold leaf, its ears are copper (now green), its twisted horns and the fleece on its shoulders are of lapis lazuli, and its body fleece is made of shell. Its genitals are gold. The tree is covered in gold leaf, with golden flowers, the whole supported on a small rectangular base decorated with a mosaic of shell, red limestone, and lapis lazuli. The tube rising from the goat’s shoulders suggests it was used to support something, most likely a bowl.

© The Trustees of the British Museum